Semantic barriers happen on account of: ?->(Show Answer!)

1. Semantic barriers happen on account of:

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MCQ-> Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given. Certain words/phrases have been given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions. From a technical and economic perspective, many assessments have highlighted the presence of cost-effective opportunities to reduce energy use in buildings. However several bodies note the significance of multiple barriers that prevent the take-up of energy efficiency measures in buildings. These include lack of awareness and concern, limited access to reliable information from trusted sources, fear about risk, disruption and other ‘transaction costs’ concerns about up-front costs and inadequate access to suitably priced finance, a lack of confidence in suppliers and technologies and the presence of split incentives between landlords and tenants. The widespread presence of these barriers led experts to predict thatwithout a concerted push from policy, two-thirds of the economically viable potential to improve energy efficiency will remain unexploited by 2035. These barriers are albatross around the neck that represent a classic market failure and a basis for governmental intervention. While these measurements focus on the technical, financial or economic barriers preventing the take-up of energy efficiency options in buildings, others emphasise the significance of the often deeply embedded social practices that shape energy use in buildings. These analyses focus not on the preferences and rationalities that might shape individual behaviours, but on the ‘entangled’ cultural practices, norms, values and routines that underpin domestic energy use. Focusing on the practice-related aspects of consumption generates very different conceptual framings and policy prescriptions than those that emerge from more traditional or mainstream perspectives. But the underlying case for government intervention to help to promote retrofit and the diffusion of more energy efficient particles is still apparent, even though the forms of intervention advocated are often very different to those that emerge from a more technical or economic perspective. Based on the recognition of the multiple barriers to change and the social, economic and environmental benefits that could be realised if they were overcome, government support for retrofit (renovating existing infrastructure to make it more energy efficient) has been widespread. Retrofit programmes have been supported and adopted in diverse forms in many setting and their ability to recruit householders and then to impact their energy use has been discussed quite extensively. Frequently, these discussions have criticised the extent to which retrofit schemes rely on incentives and the provision of new technologies to change behaviour whilst ignoring the many other factors that might limit either participation in the schemes or their impact on the behaviours and prac-tices that shape domestic energy use. These factors are obviously central to the success of retrofit schemes, but evaluations of different schemes have found that despite these they can still have significant impacts. Few experts that the best estimate of the gap between the technical potential and the actual in-situ performance of energy efficiency measures is 50%, with 35% coming from performance gaps and 15% coming from ‘comfort taking’ or direct rebound effects. They further suggest that the direct rebound effect of energy efficiency measures related to household heating is Ilkley to be less than 30% while rebound effects for various domestic energy efficiency measures vary from 5 to 15% and arise mostly from indirect effects (i.e., where savings from energy efficiency lead to increased demand for goods and services). Other analyses also note that the gap between technical potential and actual performance is likely to vary by measure, with the range extending from 0% for measures such as solar water heating to 50% for measures such as improved heating controls. And others note that levels of comfort taking are likely to vary according to the levels of consumption and fuel poverty in the sample of homes where insulation is installed, with the range extending from 30% when considering homes across all income groups to around 60% when considering only lower income homes. The scale of these gapsis significant because it materially affects the impacts of retrofit schemes and expectations and perceptions of these impacts go on to influence levels of political, financial and public support for these schemes. The literature on retrofit highlights the presence of multiple barriers to change and the need for government support, if these are to be overcome. Although much has been written on the extent to which different forms of support enable the wider take-up of domestic energy efficiency measures, behaviours and practices, various areas of contestation remain and there is still an absence of robust ex-post evidence on the extent to which these schemes actually do lead to the social, economic and environmental benefits that are widely claimed.Which of the following is most nearly the OPPOSITE in meaning to the word ‘CONCERTED’ as used in the passage ?
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MCQ->Semantic barriers happen on account of:....

MCQ-> Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of the questions.A large majority of the poor in India are outside the formal banking system. The policy of financial inclusion sets out to remedy this by making available a basic banking ‘no frills’ account either with nil or very minimum balances as well as charges that would make such accounts accessible to vast sections of the population. However, the mere opening of a bank account in the name of every household or adult person may not be enough, unless these accounts and financial services offered to them are used by the account holders. At present, commercial banks do not find it viable to provide services to the poor especially in the rural areas because of huge transaction costs, low volumes of savings in the accounts, lack of information on the account holder, etc. For the poor. interacting with the banks with their paper work, economic costs of going to the bank and the need for flexibility in their accounts, make them turn to other informal channels or other institutions. Thus, there are constraints on both the supply and the demand side.Till now, banks were looking at these accounts from a purely credit perspective. Instead, they should look at this from the point of view of meeting the huge need of the poor for savings. Poor households want to save and, contrary to the common perception, do have the funds to save, but lack control. Informal mutual saving systems like the Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs), widespread in Africa, and ‘thrift and credit groups’ in India demonstrate that poor households save. For the poor household, which lack access to the formal insurance system and the credit system, savings provide a safety net and help them tide over crises. Savings can also keep them away from the clutches of moneylenders, make formal institutions more favourable to lending to them, encourage investment and make them shift to more productive activities, as they may invest in slightly more risky activities which have an overall higher rate of return.Research shows the efficacy of informal institutions in increasing the savings of the small account holders. An MFI in the Philippines, which had existing account holders, was studied. They offered new products with ‘commitment features’. One type had withdrawal restrictions in the sense that it required individuals to restrict their right to withdraw any funds from their own accounts until they reached a self-specified and documented goal. The other type was deposit options. Clients could purchase a locked box for a small fee. The key was with the bank and the client has to bring the box to the bank to make the deposit. He could not dip into the savings even if he wanted to. These accounts did not pay extra money and were illiquid. Surprisingly, these products were popular even though these had restrictions. Results showed that those who opted for these accounts with restrictions had substantially greater savings rates than those who did not. The policy of financial inclusion can be a success if financial inclusion focuses onboth saving needs and credit needs, having a diversified product portfolio for the poor but recognising that self-control problems need to be addressed by having commitment devices. The products with commitment features should be optional. Furthermore transaction costs for the poor could be cut down, by making innovative use of technology available and offering mobile vans with ATM and deposit collection features which could visit villages periodically.What is the aim of the financial inclusion policy ?
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MCQ->The question below consists of a set of labelled sentences. Out of the four options given, select the most logical order of the sentences to form a coherent paragraph.P- And if I think about something which didn't happen I start thinking about all the other things which didn't happen. Q- But there is only ever one thing which happened at a particular time and a particular place. R- And there are an infinite number of things which didn't happen at that time and that place. S- A lie is when you say something happened which didn't happen.....

MCQ->Ln a bank the account numbers are all 8 digit numbers, and they all start with the digit 2. So, an account number can be represented as $$2x_1x_2x_3x_4x_5x_6x_7$$. An account number is considered to be a ‘magic’ number if $$x_{1}x_{2}x_{3}$$ is exactly the same as $$x_{4}x_{5}x_{6}$$ or $$x_{5}x_{6}x_{7}$$ or both. $$X_{i}$$ can take values from 0 to 9, but 2 followed by seven $$0_{s}$$ is not a valid account number. What is the maximum possible number of customers having a ‘magic’ account number?....