The smallest integer x for which the inequality $$\frac{x-7}{x^2 + 5x-36}$$

1. The smallest integer x for which the inequality $$\frac{x-7}{x^2 + 5x-36}$$ > 0 is given by

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MCQ-> Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions. Certain words/ phrases are given in bold to help you locate them while ‘answering some of the questions. Inequality is at the top of the agenda around the world. Hilary Clinton, the leading Democratic candidate to succeed Barack Obama as president of the United. States, made inequality the centrepiece of a major campaign speech. Economists at the IMF too have recently released a study assessing the causes and consequences of rising inequality. Its authors reckon that while inequality could cause all sorts of problems, governments should be especially concerned about its effects on growth. They estimate that a one percentage .point increase in the income share of the top 20% will drag down growth by 0.08% percentage points over five years, while a rise in the income share of the bottom 20% actually boosts growth. But how does inequality affect economic growth rates? Economists say that some inequality is needed to propel growth. Without the carrot of large financial rewards, risky entrepreneurship and innovation would grind to a halt. In 1975, an American economist, argued that societies cannot have both perfect equality and perfect efficiency, but must choose how much of one to sacrifice for the other. While most economists continue to hold that view, the recent rise in inequality has prompted a new look at its economic costs. Inequality could impair growth if those with low incomes suffer poor health and low productivity as a result, or if, as evidence suggests, the poor struggle to finance investments in education, inequality could also threaten public confidence in growth-boosting capitalist strategies like free trade. More recent work suggests that inequality, could lead to economic or financial instability. The governor of the Reserve Bank of India argued that governments often respond to inequality by easing the flow of credit to poorer households, howe+er, American households borrowed heavily prior to the crisis to prop up their consumption. But for this rise in household debt, consumption would have stagnated as a result of poor wage growth. Crafting a response to rising inequality is therefore tricky, he says. Some of the negative impact of inequality on growth can be blamed on poor government policies in highly unequal countries. In Latin America, for instance, populist pressure for excessive state economic control seems to shorten the average duration of growth spells. Yet in moderation, redistribution seems to benign effects-perhaps by reducing dependence on risky borrowing among poorer households. Over the past generation or two inequality has risen most in places where progressive policies, such as high top tax-rates, have been weakened. A little more redistribution now might improve the quality and quantity of economic-growth and reduce the demand for more aggressive state interventions later.Choose the word which is most nearly the same in meaning to the word CARROT given in bold as used in the passage.
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MCQ-> Read the following passage and answer the given questions. After the Second World War, the leaders of the Western world tried to build institutions to prevent the conflicts of the preceding decades from recurring. They wanted to foster both prosperity and interdependence, to 'make war not only unthinkable but materially impossible'. Their work bore fruit. Expanded global trade has raised incomes around the world. While globalisation is sometimes portrayed as a corporate plot against the workers; that was not how it was seen before 1914. British trade unions were in favour of free trade, which kept down food prices for their members and also opened up markets for the factories in which they worked. Yet, as the Brexit vote demonstrates globalisation now seems to be receding. Most economists have been blindsided by the backslash. Free trade can be a hard sell politically. The political economy of trade is treacherous. Its benefits, though substantial, are dilute, but its costs are often concentrated. This gives those affected a strong incentive to push for protectionism. Globalisation itself thus seems to create forces that erode political support for integration. Deeper economic integration required harmonisation of laws and regulations across countries. Differences in rules on employment contracts or product safety requirements, for instance, act as barriers to trade. Trade agreements like the TransPacific Partnership focus more on "nontariff barriers" than they do on tariff reduction. The net impact of this is likely to be that some individuals, consumers and businesses are not likely to be as benefitted as others and given rise to discontent. Thus the consequences of such trade agreements often run counter to popular preferences. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Prize winner, has warned that companies influence over trade rules harms workers and erodes support for trade liberalisation. Clumsy government efforts to compensate workers hurt by globalisation contributed to the global financial crisis, by facilitating excessive household borrowing, among other things. Researchers have also documented how the cost of America's growing trade with China has fallen disproportionately on certain American cities. Such costs perpetuate a cycle of globalisation. Periods of global integration and technological progress generate rising inequality, which inevitably triggers two countervailing forces, one beneficial and one harmful. On the one hand, governments tend to respond to rising inequality by increasing redistribution and investing in education, on the other, inequality leads to political upheaval and war. The first great era of globalisation, which ended in 1914, gave way to a long period of declining inequality, in which harmful forces played a bigger rise than beneficial ones. History might repeat itself, he warns. Such warnings do not amount to arguments against globalisation. As many economists are quick to note, the benefits of openness are massive. It is increasingly clear, however, that supporters of economic integration underestimated the risks both that big slices of society would feel left behind and that nationalism would continue to provide an alluring alternative. Either error alone might have undercut support for globalisation and the relative peace and prosperity it has brought in combination, they threaten to reverse it.What can be concluded from the example of Britain cited in the passage ?
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MCQ->$$\frac{p}{a}+\frac{a}{b}+\frac{r}{c}=1$$ and $$\frac{a}{p}+\frac{b}{q}+\frac{c}{r}=0$$ where p,q,r and a,b,c are non-zero then the value of $$\frac{p^2}{a^2}+\frac{q^2}{b^2}+\frac{r^2}{c^2}$$ is ....

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