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1. ------------is the practice of measuring the quality of something by comparing it with something else of an accepted standard
(A): Kaizen
(B): Total Quality Management
(C): Bench Marking
(D): Business Process Reengineering
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QA->In a Program Graph, ‘X’ is an if-then-else node. If the number of paths from start node to X is ‘p’ number of paths from if part to end node is ‘q’ and from else part to end node is ’r’, the total number of possible paths through X is :....
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MCQ-> Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below : Eight friends - R, S, T, U, V, W. X and Y - are sitting around a circular table facing the centre, but not necessarily in the same order. Each of the them studies in the different Standards viz, Standard I to Standard VIII, but not necessarily in the same order. T is second to the right of the person who studies in Standard VII. Only one person sits between T and the person who studies in Standard V. X is sitting third to the left of the person who studies in Standard VIII. The person studying in Standard VIII is not an immediate neighbour of the person studying in Standard VII. T does not study in Standard VIII. The person studying in Standard VI is to the left of U. U does not study in Standard V or Standard VIII. The persons studying in Standard VI and VII are immediate neighbours of each other. One of the immediate neighbours of the person studying in Standard VIII, studies in Standard II. S and Y are immediate neighbours of each other. There is one person between S and R. V does not study in Standard I. R studies in Standard V. Y does not study in Standard II. W is sitting between the persons who study in Standard VII and Standard IV. X is second to the right of the person studying in Standard I.Who among the following is sitting third to the right of T.
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MCQ->------------is the practice of measuring the quality of something by comparing it with something else of an accepted standard....
MCQ-> P, Q, R, S, T, V and W are seven students of a school. Each of them studies in different standard from Standard IV to Standard X not necessarily in the same order. Each of them has favourite subject from English, Science, History, Geography, Mathematics, Hindi and Sanskrit not necessarily in the same order. Q studies in VII Standard and does not like either Mathematics or Geography. R likes English and does not study either in V or in IX. T studies in VIII Standard and likes Hindi. The one who likes Science studies in X Standard. S studies in IV Standard. W likes Sanskrit. P does not study in X Standard. The one who likes Geography studies in V Standard.In which standard does W study ?
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MCQ-> The passage given below is followed by a set of three questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.The difficulties historians face in establishing cause-and-effect relations in the history of human societies are broadly similar to the difficulties facing astronomers, climatologists, ecologists, evolutionary biologists, geologists, and palaeontologists. To varying degrees each of these fields is plagued by the impossibility of performing replicated, controlled experimental interventions, the complexity arising from enormous numbers of variables, the resulting uniqueness of each system, the consequent impossibility of formulating universal laws, and the difficulties of predicting emergent properties and future behaviour. Prediction in history, as in other historical sciences, is most feasible on large spatial scales and over long times, when the unique features of millions of small-scale brief events become averaged out. Just as I could predict the sex ratio of the next 1,000 newborns but not the sexes of my own two children, the historian can recognize factors that made2 1 inevitable the broad outcome of the collision between American and Eurasian societies after 13,000 years of separate developments, but not the outcome of the 1960 U.S. presidential election. The details of which candidate said what during a single televised debate in October 1960 Could have given the electoral victory to Nixon instead of to Kennedy, but no details of who said what could have blocked the European conquest of Native Americans. How can students of human history profit from the experience of scientists in other historical sciences? A methodology that has proved useful involves the comparative method and so-called natural experiments. While neither astronomers studying galaxy formation nor human historians can manipulate their systems in controlled laboratory experiments, they both can take advantage of natural experiments, by comparing systems differing in the presence or absence (or in the strong or weak effect) of some putative causative factor. For example, epidemiologists, forbidden to feed large amounts of salt to people experimentally, have still been able to identify effects of high salt intake by comparing groups of humans who already differ greatly in their salt intake; and cultural anthropologists, unable to provide human groups experimentally with varying resource abundances for many centuries, still study long-term effects of resource abundance on human societies by comparing recent Polynesian populations living on islands differing naturally in resource abundance.The student of human history can draw on many more natural experiments than just comparisons among the five inhabited continents. Comparisons can also utilize large islands that have developed complex societies in a considerable degree of isolation (such as Japan, Madagascar, Native American Hispaniola, New Guinea, Hawaii, and many others), as well as societies on hundreds of smaller islands and regional societies within each of the continents. Natural experiments in any field, whether in ecology or human history, are inherently open to potential methodological criticisms. Those include confounding effects of natural variation in additional variables besides the one of interest, as well as problems in inferring chains of causation from observed correlations between variables. Such methodological problems have been discussed in great detail for some of the historical sciences. In particular, epidemiology, the science of drawing inferences about human diseases by comparing groups of people (often by retrospective historical studies), has for a long time successfully employed formalized procedures for dealing with problems similar to those facing historians of human societies. In short, I acknowledge that it is much more difficult to understand human history than to understand problems in fields of science where history is unimportant and where fewer individual variables operate. Nevertheless, successful methodologies for analyzing historical problems have been worked out in several fields. As a result, the histories of dinosaurs, nebulae, and glaciers are generally acknowledged to belong to fields of science rather than to the humanities.Why do islands with considerable degree of isolation provide valuable insights into human history?
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MCQ-> The motive force that has carried the psychoanalytic movement to a voluminous wave of popular attention and created for it considerable following those discontent with traditional methods and attitudes, is the frank direction of the psychological instruments of exploration to the insistent and intimate problems of human relations. However false or however true its conclusions, however weak or strong its arguments, however effective or defective or even pernicious its practice, its mission is broadly humanistic. Psychological enlightenment is presented as a program of salvation. By no other appeal could the service of psychology have become so glorified. The therapeutic promise of psychoanalysis came as the most novel, most ambitious, most releasing of the long procession of curative systems that mark the History of mental healing.To the contemporary trends in psychology psychoanalysis actually offered a rebuke, a challenge, a supplement, though it appeared to ignore them. With the practical purpose of applied psychology directed to human efficiency it had no direct relation and thus no quarrel. The solution of behaviorism, likewise bidding for popular approval by reducing adjustment to a program of conditioning, it inevitably found alien and irrelevant, as the behaviorist in reciprocity found psychoanalytic doctrine mystical, fantastic, assumptive, remote. Even to the cognate formulations of mental hygiene, as likewise in its contacts with related fields of psychology, psychoanalysis made no conciliatory advances. Towards psychiatry, its nearest of kin, it took an unfriendly position, quite too plainly implying a disdain for an unprogressive relative.These estrangements affected its relations throughout the domain of mind and its ills; but they came to head in the practice. From the outset in the days of struggle, when it had but a sparse and scattered discipleship, to the present position of prominence, Freudianism went its own way, for the most part neglected by academic psychology. Of dreams, lapses and neuroses, orthodox psychology had little say. The second reason for the impression made by psychoanalysis when once launched against the tide of academic resistance was its recognition of depth psychology, so much closer to human motivation, so much more intimate and direct than the analysis of mental factors. Most persons in trouble would be grateful for relief without critical examination of the theory behind the practice that helped them.Anyone at all acquainted with the ebb and flow of cures . cures that cure cures that fail . need not be told that the scientific basis of the system is often the least important factor. Many of these systems arise empirically within a practice, which by trial, seems to give results. This is not the case in psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis belongs to the typical groups of therapies in which practice is entirely a derivative of theory. Here the pertinent psychological principle reads: .Create a belief in the theory, and the fact will create themselves..The distinctive feature of psychoanalysis is that
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